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reigns of henrt ii., 1154-89 ; richard i., 1189-99 5 and john, 1199-1216.

"We have now arrived at a period when a new and most valuable source of information is opened for our assistance. The monumental effigies of the illustrious dead, sculptured in their habits as they lived, and in a style of art remarkable for so dark an age, many elaborately coloured and gilt, and all of the full size of the figure, take precedence of every other authority, until the paintings of Holbein and Vandyck appear to place the breathing originals before us.

The earliest sepulchral effigy of an English sovereign is that of Henry II. in the Abbey of Fontevraud, Normandy. A modern French writer, who states as his authorities MSS. preserved in the ecclesiastical archives, says, " the body of the unfortunate monarch vested in his royal habits, the crown of gold on his head and the sceptre in his band, was placed on a bier richly ornamented, and borne in great state to the celebrated Abbey of Fontevraud, which he had chosen as the place of his interment, and there set in the nave of the great

Ecclesiastical Ring

church where he was buried." This account tallies with that of Matthew Paris, who says, " He was arrayed in the royal investments, having a golden crown on the head and gloves on the hands, boots wrought with gold on the feet, and spurs, a great ring on the finger and a sceptre in the hand, and girt with a sword ; he lay with his face uncovered." "When we examine the effigy," observes the lamented Mr. Stothard, in his admirable work,6 The Monumental Effigies of Great Britain/ " we cannot fail of remarking that it is already described by these two accounts; the only variation being in the sword, which is not girt, but lies on the bier, on the left side, with the belt twisted round it. It therefore appears the tomb was literally a representation of the deceased king, as if he still lay in state. Nor can we, without supposing such was the custom, otherwise account for the singular coincidence between the effigy of King John on the lid of his coffin and his body within it, when discovered a few years since .,n We have quoted the precise words of this admirable and regretted artist, to whom the highest character for accuracy and research is universally accorded, in support of the opinion entertained by our best antiquaries in favour of the reliance to be placed upon monumental effigies, as correct portraits of the costume, and in many cases of the person of him whose tomb they surmount, because we are anxious not only to 1 Monumental Effigies.

p impress the reader with the truth of this belief, but at the same time to point out how deeply indebted are the artists and antiquaries of Europe to the perseverance, intelligence, and talent of the late Charles Alfred Stothard, untimely snatched from a profession of which he was an ornament, and in the midst of labours which have yet to be fully appreciated.

To return to the effigy of Henry II. The right hand, on which was the great ring, is broken, but contains a portion of the 6ceptre, which, to judge from certain marks on the breast of the figure, must have been remarkably short. The beard is painted and pencilled like a miniature, to represent its being closely shaven (the old Norman custom at this time returned to). The mantle is fastened by a fibula on the right shoulder; its colour was originally (for it has been painted several times, as Mr. Stothard discovered by scraping it) of a deep reddish chocolate. The dalmatica or long tunic is crimson, starred or flowered with gold. The boots are green, with gold spurs fastened by red leathers. The gloves have jewels on the centre of the back of the hand, a mark of royalty or high ecclesiastical rank. The crown has been many years broken, and an injudicious attempt has been made to restore it with plaster of Paris. It is represented in our engraving without these modern additions, and above it is placed the crown as given by Montfau-con in his copy of the same effigy, which, though very inaccurately drawn and carelessly engraved, shows that it was surrounded with leaves, like that of Richard I. on his effigy in the same abbey. This latter effigy and that of King John at Worcester present the same general features, with very slight variation. Richard and John are both attired, like their father, in the dalmatica and mantle, with boots, spurs, and jewelled gloves. The dalmatica of John is shorter than those of Henry or Richard, and discovers more of the under tunic; it also appears to have been made fuller. Richard's mantle is fastened on the breast; John's depends from the shoulders, without any visible fastening, and discloses the jewelled collar of the dalmatica. Both are represented with beards and moustaches, which came again into fashion towards the close of Richard's reign. In the early part of it a seditious Londoner was called William with the Beard, from his obstinately wearing it in defiance of the old Norman custom, revived, as we have already stated, by Henry II.

From these effigies, and from the illuminated MSS. of the period, we learn, therefore, that.

the coronation robes of Henry II., Richard I., and John were composed of two tunics (the upper with loose sleeves, called a dalmatica), of nearly equal lengths, and girded round the waist by a rich belt, over which f 2

was worn the mantle, splendidly embroidered ; the crown, the sword, the jewelled gloves, boots, and spurs without rowels. The same dress was worn also on state occasions ; and the costume of the nobles, during the latter half of the twelfth century, approached as nearly as possible, in form and magnificence, the habit of their kings. Henry II. is said to have introduced a mantle, called the cloak of Anjou, which, being shorter than those worn in the previous reigns, obtained for him the cognomen of Court Manteau. Of the splendour and character of the decorations of the mantles of this period we may judge from the description of one belonging to Richard I., which is said to have been nearly covered with half moons and shining orbs of solid silver, in imitation of the system of the heavenly bodies. During the reign of Henry II. the fashion of indenting the borders of the tunics and mantles seems to have been introduced, as in the last year but one of that monarch's reign a statute was passed prohibiting certain classes the wearing of cut or jagged garments.2 Stockings and chaussés were worn as usual, and the Saxon word hose occurs in a wardrobe roll of King John's time, as well as the Latin caligce. Sandals of purple cloth and sotulares or subtalares (the shoes or soles worn with them), fretted with gold, are enumerated as »Gervase of Dover and John of Brompton, snb anno 1188.

parts of the dress belonging to the same monarch. By sandals are certainly meant the leg-bandages, no longer worn in rolls, but regularly crossing each other the whole way up the leg from the very point of the toes, and frequently all of gold stuff or gilt leather. Gloves, some short, some reaching nearly to the elbows, embroidered at the tops, and jewelled on the backs, if appertaining to princes or prelates, become frequent. The covering for the head was still the Phrygian-shaped cap, or the capuchon of the cloak ; but the hair, in the reign of John, was curled with crisping irons, and bound with fillets or ribbons; and the beaux of the period continually went abroad without caps, that its beauty might be seen and admired. Beards and moustaches were worn or not as the fancy directed, all legislation concerning them being disregarded or abandoned.

Seal of Henry IX«

the militaby habits during the reign of Henry II. underwent no dis • tinguishable change; but those of the reign of Richard I. and John present us with some striking novelties. The shield emblazoned with heraldic bearings, the long tunic worn under and the sur-cote or surcoat worn over the coat of mail, usually made of silk of one uniform colour, but sometimes variegated, sometimes richly embroidered,and sometimes altogether of cloth of gold or silver. Both the seals of Richard I. represent him with the long tunic under the hauberk, and his brother John is represented in a surcoat. It has been conjectured that the custom originated with the crusaders, both

Different Seal Knights
Seal« of Richard I. Pig. a, his first seal; b, his second seal; c, part of the same imperfect. See note 3.

for the purpose of distinguishing the many different leaders serving under the cross, and to veil the iron armour, so apt to heat excessively when exposed to the direct rays of the sun. The date ' of its first appearance in Europe, and the circumstance of the knights of St. John and of the Temple being so attired in their monumental effigies, are certainly arguments in favour of the supposition. The helmet» towards the close of the twelfth century, had assumed almost the shape of a sugar-loaf, but suddenly, during the reign of Richard I., it lost its lofty cone, and subsided into a flat-topped steel cap, with a hoop of iron passitag under the chin, the face being protected by a moveable grating affixed to a hinge on one side, and fastened by a pin on the other, so that it opened like a wicket, and might be taken off or put on as occasion required. This was called the ventail or aventaille, as the earlier defences for the face had been before it. Richard wears a most complete one on his second seal, and his helmet is surmounted by a very curious fanlike crest, on which appears the figure of a lion. The imitations of the impressions preserved in England have occasioned strange speculations upon this ornament; but the copy of a perfect one, lately discovered in France, is herewith presented to our readers.® Besides the surcoat, two other military

• Monsieur A chille Deville, who discovered this impression attached to a charter dated 18th of May, 1198, in the archives of the department of the Seine Inférieure garments are common to this period : the wambeys or gambeson and the haqueton or acheton. They were wadded and quilted tunics, the first, according to Sir S. Meyrick, of leather stuffed with wool, and the second of buckskin filled with cotton. Both these were worn as defences by those who could not afford hauberks ; but they were also worn under the hauberk by persons of distinction, and sometimes by them in lieu of it, as fancy or convenience might dictate. In the latter ease these garments were stitched with silk or gold thread, and rendered extremely ornamental. The word gamboisé or gamboised, from this circumstance, was afterwards applied to saddles and other padded, stitched, or quilted articles. We have alluded to the gambeson before, in our description of the Norman knights, represented in the Bayeux tapestry. The 'Northmen, both Danes and Norwegians, called it the panzar or panzara, improperly translated coat of mail. According to their sagas and poems, it was sometimes worn over the hauberk amongst other records of the Abbey of St George de Bocherville, observes :—" Ce casque est couronné par un large cimier, sur lequel on remarque la figure du lion. Sandford veut voir des brins de genet dans là crête du cimier, qui serait placé là sans doute, selon lui, comme un souvenir de famille. Quant à moi, j'y verrais tout au pins des brins de baleine, si ce n'est même des piquants de fer, attendu le roideur et l'arrangement symétrique de ce singulier ornement" Vide his Account published at Caen, 1830. The upper part of the imperfect seal, so often copied in England, is given in our engraving behind the perfect one.

William Longespee

Effigies of Geoffrey de Magnaville, Earl of Essex, in the Temple Church, London ; and of William Longespee, Earl of Salisbury, in Salisbury Cathedral.

like the surcoat: in that case it was without sleeves.

The plastron-de-fer, or steel plate, introduced during this century to prevent the pressure of the hauberk upon the chest, was sometimes worn under the gambeson, sometimes between it and the hauberk. In a combat between Bichard Coeur de Lion, then Earl of Foitou, and a knight named p 3

Effigies of Geoffrey de Magnaville, Earl of Essex, in the Temple Church, London ; and of William Longespee, Earl of Salisbury, in Salisbury Cathedral.

William de Barris, they charged each other so furiously that their lances pierced through their shields, hauberks, and gambesons, and were only prevented by their plastrons from transfixing their bodies. In later times we shall find the plastron called the gorget, and sometimes the habergeon or hatibergeon, a word frequently confounded with " hauberk," of which it is evidently the diminutive, and meaning literally the " little throat-guard" when of plate, or the little coat or jacket of mail when composed of chain; a specimen of the latter is to be found in the effigy of Helie, Comte de Maine, engraved in Montfaucon's ' Monarchic Frangaise.'

The shields of the reign of Richard and John have gradually decreased in length, and becoming less arched at the top approach the tringular form, which was afterwards denominated heater-shaped. Instead of being flat, however, they are semi-cylindrical, and are decorated, for the first time, with the regular heraldic bearings; John's early seal (before his accession** exhibiting two lions passant regardant, and Richard's first seal a lion rampant, presumed, as only half the shield is visible on account of the curve, to be one of two lions combatant. On the second seals of both monarchs their shields are blazoned with three lions, as quartered ever since in the English arms.

To the spear, sword, battle-axe, and bow, we have now to add the arbaleste or cross-bow, introduced during the reign of Richard I., who was killed by a shaft from that formidable weapon. It continued in use till the final triumph of musketry.

The gisarme is mentioned by Wace, who wrote in the reign of Henry II. This very ancient weapon, written by various authorities gisarme, gut-sarme> guissarme, guysarme> gysarme, juisarme, jusarme, quisarme, has had as many derivations and descriptions allotted to it as modes of spelling. By some it has been called a partizan, by others a bipennis or double axe, a cutting weapon used in lieu of a sword, a sharp weapon (arma acuta, or arme aiguisée). Skinner derives the name from bisarma, and Barbazan from acuere. In the old Provençal language it is also spelt ghizarma. (Vide 6 Glossaire de la Langue Romane, par J. B. Roquefort,' torn, i.) Now, the lance or javelin of the Gauls and Franks was called the gcesum, and is thu3 described by the scholiast Agathias, a lawyer and native of Myrina, who wrote in the sixth century : " It is of moderate length, and covered with iron, bent on each side in the form of hooks, which they make use of to wound the enemy, or entangle his buckler in such a manner that, his body being exposed, they may run him through with their swords." This description tallies better than any other with the weapon in later times called the guisarme, which was a lance with a hook at the side ; and the corruption of gcesum into gisarme is easy and probable.

The spur remains spear-shaped.

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